Hochelaga: A Political Analysis

Newton Bosworth states at the beginning of his novel, "The Early History of MontrÐ"©al," that "there is in man a natural propensity to enquire into the origin of every thing with which he has connection Ð'- to trace the rise and progress of each discovery." The foundation of Hochelaga (present-day MontrÐ"©al) can be closely traced back to the explorations of a French navigator named Jacques Cartier; but while today's knowledge of Hochelaga's political structure and evidence of its sole existence is because of the European's (especially Jacques Cartier), it's extinction and destruction was indirectly caused by them as well. Through a full political analysis of Hochelaga after the arrival of Jaques Cartier, inferences about the destruction of Hochelaga are formed.

On the second of October, 1535, hoping to discover a western passage to the wealthy markets of Asia, Jacques Cartier and his crew arrived at Hochelaga; a St. Lawrence Iroquoian fortified village that would later mark the foundation of "one of the greatest cities of the world" today: MontrÐ"©al (Hendrie, 1932: 5). Some of the only written documents with reference to this historic village are from Cartier's journals about his explorations.

Hochelaga and its surrounding vicinity was a place of contrasts in climate and terrain. The summers were hot and the winters were cold and clear (ibid.). These meteorological conditions significantly affected the industrial focus, and thus, the economics of Hochelaga. In addition, the extreme climate changes throughout the year and the geographical location of Hochelaga ultimately shaped the natives' daily routine, lifestyle, and means for survival. The village itself rested on the Island of MontrÐ"©al at the confluence of two rivers: the St. Lawrence River and the Ottawa River (Abley, 1994: 63). Hochelagans devoted most of their time to fishing as their setting was an ideal place to catch fish (Bosworth, 1839: 22). In addition, their accessibility to fresh water was a critical issue for their survival. Hochelagans everyday activities and economic activities were completely different from what they would experience in a community with availability only to salt water and small amounts of precipitation. Survival and agricultural growth became much easier with its nearby access to such an important renewable resource. As a result, Hochelagans lived longer and remained in their present location for an extended period of time.

Upon his arrival to Hochelaga, Jacques Cartier was welcomed by more than a thousand people whom brought him "a great number of fish and much of their bread, made with large grain (corn) Ð'... in such quantities that it seemed to be falling from the air" (Stephens, 1890: 60). Hochelegans were dedicated workers who had an abundance of supplies that would last through their struggling winter months (ibid.). As Cartier trekked through the village of Hochelaga, he commented on scenery filled with oak trees with grounds underneath covered with thousands of acorns (ibid.). Acorns, for the Hochelagans, were a reliable source of food for survival during their long and cold winter months when other resources were scarce.

The Hochelegans were a community of people who didn't move from place to place seasonally as they had an ideal location for the ample production of food. "We understand that, yes they had a basic nomadic lifestyle, but they were nomadic just to a certain extent. They cultivated a few different vegetables on a seasonal basis and this cultivation dictated their long stay," says Marie-Paul Robitaille of the MusÐ"©e de la Civilisation. Goods were distributed evenly amongst members of the Hochelegan village. Each house had lofts where they stored their food for personal and family consumption (Stephens, 1860:62). In addition, every night a tribal ceremony would take place at the centre of the town, where there is an open space in the shape of a square (ibid.). During these ceremonies, the Hochelagans prepared hunted food while they dance around the fires singing songs in their foreign language (Stephens, 1890: 64).

Most of the goods in the village were produced either through cultivation or hunting; however, archaeologists uncovered evidence of intertribal economic trade taking place: "The site of Hochelaga, unearthed in 1860, shows them to have been traders to some extent with the west, evidently through the Ottawa Algonquins" (Lighthall, 1899: 204). The arrival of Jacques Cartier, however, influenced a type of trade never-before experienced by Hochelagans. "Jacques Cartier was sent by his native land to establish colonies that would supply materials and markets and relieve home nations of dependence on other nations," says Marie-Paul Robataille from the MusÐ"©e de la Civilisation. In essence, this is the practice of mercantilism. The French traded with Hochelaga and many other surrounding communities because they wanted to see the wealth and variety of goods to eventually choose a community to colonize. All in all, the Hochelagan economy was very strong for that day and age because, although their resources were limited, inhabitants rarely ran out of them. Therefore, Hochelagans rarely were forced to make economic decisions regarding scarcity. As a result, Hochelagans, especially women, had more time focus their energies on practices other than just hunting and gathering. These practices include trade, the development of technology, and politics. This began the political movement of Hochelaga. They started became a society with a high level of culture and social organization. Even Jacques Cartier noted in his memoirs that the Hochelagans "appear to have been more civilised than their neighbours" (Bosworth, 1839: 21-2). Essentially, this meant that Jacques Cartier viewed Hochelaga as the most developed community he had ever witnessed in his travels to Canada.

Hochelaga's had a very diverse terrain consisting of "fertile valleys, vast wooded plains; countless mountain lakes, rivers in every width and length Ð'... and long lines of rugged mountains" (Hendrie, 1932: 5). This environmental structure significantly influenced its infrastructure and layout, among other things. The village itself was situated between large, ploughed fields and a high mountain. It was round in shape and enclosed with three rows of wooden stakes built like a pyramid (Stephens, 1890: 62). While this structure was predominately built as a means of defense, it also acted as Hochelaga's territorial boundary with only one entrance to the town through a gate which could be closed off (ibid.).

The town was very well organized and laid out in symmetrical form. Jacques Cartier provides in his memoirs a detailed