Solving Structural Inequalities Locally

The renowned German sociologist, Max Weber, defined bureaucracy as a type of hierarchical structure created through rational-legal authority. The goal of Weber's bureaucracy is to create a system where performance is maximized through the specialization of tasks. Officers are placed in particular offices based on their abilities to carry out its tasks. Weber describes how his ideal bureaucracy functions in six steps: 1) Official jurisdictional areas are defined and activities are distributed as official duties. 2) Office hierarchy requires subordinates to follow superiors with the possibility of appealing the decisions made. 3) Decisions are recorded in permanent files. Means of production and administration belong to the office. Personal property is to be separated from office property Ð'- administration and production belong to the office. 4) Officials are selected on basis of technical qualifications Ð'- they are appointed not elected. 5) Holding an official position is a career. An official is a full-time employee who looks forward to a life-long career. 6) General/abstract rules govern decisions and actions (Weber 74-77).

To reiterate, a Weberian bureaucracy is one that is highly educated and professionalized with a certain ethos in working. It is a disciplinary system of power in which leaders maintain control over others based on their qualifications. In the article, "Paradox of Empowerment: Reflections on a Case Study from Northern Ghana," Weber's emphasis that those are who are qualified should retain more power and a higher position than those who are not qualified is a point which the author, Karl Botchway, endorses. Botchway's thesis is that due to the inherent positive image that community participation evokes, it has replaced structural reform which is actually needed for change. He argues that "this constitution of development with its emphasis on participation, empowerment and sustainability in development reflects a blindness to the wider socioeconomic processes which contributed to the need for development" (Botchway 146).

Botchway supports his thesis in various ways, one in which he points out that that through community involvement, the program NORRIP intended to involve all members of the community especially women. Women were therefore recommended to constitute 50% of the membership of the village water and health committees, receiving specialized training in water utilization, sanitation, and personal hygiene. However, Botchway points out that, "Education is the least accessible for young girls, as villages do not have schools of their own. In cases where schools are available, boys are favored over girls" (Botchway 141). In addition, Botchway writes that in the two target districts for the NORRIP water project, the Yendi and East Mamprusi Districts, 87% and 71% respectively of those employed in agriculture were men (Botchway 140). Although NORRIP intended to empower the Ghanaian women who have been traditionally marginalized by placing them in positions of power, it was an unsound decision on their part considering that most of these women did not have the ability to make educated decisions. It would have been better to place more males in these committees since males had priority in receiving a school education and also because they were generating most of the family income, thus having a better idea of what the villagers needs were. This would fall in line with Weber's idea that "office management, at least all specialized office management Ð'- and such management is distinctly modern Ð'- usually presupposes a thorough training" (Weber 76). The males in these districts with more schooling and as the primary income-earners would have improved the committees by making more educated decisions due to their education and agricultural experiences.

Comprehension of how to better deal with the case described by Botchway can be found in the arguments of Amartya Sen. In his book, "Development as Freedom," Amartya Sen argues that freedom is the goal of development and the means of development. Development is the process of expanding the capabilities of people "to lead the kinds of lives they value." He writes, "The analysis of development presented in this book treats the freedom of individuals as the basic building blocks." Sen argues that measuring development only in economic terms is problematic because it does not appreciate that freedom is an inherent good and also because the relationship between economic growth and freedom is very intricate. As an example he points out that in the United States, African-Americans as a group have a lower chance of reaching older ages than do people in the much poorer economies of China or the Indian state of Kerala (21).

For development to occur, there are five types of freedom that Sen refers to which he calls a capability approach. These freedoms are as follows: 1) Political freedoms which include civil rights, an uncensored press and free democratic elections; 2) Economic facilities which include free markets and access to the resources needed to participate in a market economy; 3) Social opportunities such as education and health care which greatly affect a person's ability to improve his/her situation; 4) Transparency guarantees which require that people deal openly with each other to help prevent corruption and financial irresponsibility; 5) Protective security which refers to the social safety net such as unemployment benefits ( Sen 38-40).

Although increasing freedom is a noble goal, Sen's definition of freedom can be seen as problematic. Since Sen defines freedom as the capability of individuals to "lead the kinds of lives they value," it should be asked whether freedom should be given to individuals who will not use it towards the common good. For instance, should individuals who desire to pollute be given the freedom? What if a group of individuals chose to inflict upon others physical harm? Should all individuals be given the kind of freedom to fulfill their personal desires even at the expense of the common good?

In a chapter entitled "The Importance of Democracy," Sen argues that a democratic state is important because it contributes to economic well-being and also societies need free political debate to choose what economic needs to value. Sen argues that there are no studies that support the notion that authoritarian governments are better able to promote economic growth. On the other hand, there is evidence that political freedom prevents harmful economic development, as he points out that famines have occurred in past civilizations and modern authoritarian societies but never in a functioning democracy (Sen 178).

Sen's book is unique in that it discusses how to embrace a free market without