Who Rules America?

DomhoffÐ'ÐŽÐ'¦s book Ð'ÐŽÐ'§Who Rules AmericaÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё claims that owners and managers of large corporations develop policy unity to shape government policies. This type of domination is carried out with relatively little resistance because theyÐ'ÐŽÐ'¦ve been able to establish the rules and customs of which our lifestyle is based upon. This leads to DomhoffÐ'ÐŽÐ'¦s class domination theory of power.

The distributed power of the dominant class is based on its structural economic power where the corporation officials try to create favorable investment situations to increase profits and inevitably power. The ability to create new policies through the policy-planning network is made possible by the upper class because Ð'ÐŽÐ'§common economic interests and social cohesion have giving the corporate community enough unity to sustain such an endeavor over many decadesÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.182).

The system of government formed by the Founding Fathers is rather fragmented and constrained which leads us to todayÐ'ÐŽÐ'¦s government that is Ð'ÐŽÐ'§easily entered and influenced by wealthy and well-organized private citizens, whether through Congress, the separate departments of the executive branch, or a myriad of regulatory agenciesÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.182). The result is the three power indicators: who benefits, who governs, and who wins. These owners and managers of large corporations rank high on those three power indicators and hold a greater proportion of wealth than any other capitalist democracy. And through the power elite they are overrepresented in key government positions and decision-making groups.

Overall, Americans feel a sense of power because we are entitled to religious freedom, freedom of speech, and the belief that America is the land of golden opportunity. In recent decades, the individual right and freedom have been expanded, but does not indicate distributive power. Corporate power became greater however in these recent decades because Ð'ÐŽÐ'§unions were decimated and the liberal-labor coalition splinteredÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.183). This analysis suggests a class domination even though individual freedoms and the right to vote exists. The Bill of Rights just offer us a feeling of power in which we select what the policy-planning network has created.

There are three theories of power worth comparing to DomhoffÐ'ÐŽÐ'¦s class domination theory; The Pluralism Theory, The Elite Theory, and The State Autonomy Theory. Pluralism describes Ð'ÐŽÐ'§that power is more widely dispersed among groups and classes than a class-dominance view allowsÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.183). This theory indicates that the general public holds Ð'ÐŽÐ'§power to influence the general direction of public policy by supporting candidates who are sympathetic with their preferencesÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.183). The Elite theory suggests that Ð'ÐŽÐ'§all modern societies are dominated by elites, who are leaders based in bureaucratically structured organizationsÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.186). Power is at the top of these organizations and the people who harness that power have the money, time, contacts, and the authority over lower-level employees to mold political and other outcomes outside the organizations. This elite theory suggests that everyday people sometimes have the ability to set limits on the actions of these elites. The State Autonomy theory states that power is nested in government and not in any class or coalition of groups. The state independence is due to Ð'ÐŽÐ'§several intertwined factors: its monopoly on the legitimate use of force within the country; its unique role in defending the country from foreign rivals; and its regulatory and taxing powersÐ'ÐŽÐ'Ё (p.188). With these powers, government officials can impose their views on business groups regardless of how united the corporate leaders might be. Furthermore, continued expansion of the government is an indication for the power of state officials.

Domhoff criticizes the three theories of power. The pluralism theory claims that voting has an influence on legislation, but it ignores the way in which a two-party system leads candidates to obscure policy differences. It also ignores the role of the Southern rich in the Democrats and the veto power in Congress. It is true that experts may indeed provide many of the new policy ideas, but pluralists do not seem to be aware of the policy-planning network through which the corporate community articulates its general policy preferences. These preferences are then conveyed to two major political parties, the White House and Congress. Actually, most experts are selected and sponsored by one or more organizations within the policy network and their ideas are brought upon